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Abstract

This paper takes a broad approach to the British and Irish commemoration of the Charge of the Light Brigade (CLB), by assessing the contemporary documentary and memorial evidence and providing useful case-studies for further research. It builds upon the 1858 study by Captains Colbourne and Brine on Balaklava memorials and cemeteries by including an appreciation of those memorials and graves in the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland. In contrast to Colbourne and Brine's purpose, which was to provide a catalogue of graves and memorials, this paper seeks to interpret their impact, imagery or importance as required.

Introduction

Since the commencement of hostilities in the Crimea, the campaign's imagery and powerful influence has grown. Yet it remains an extremely maligned campaign with associated myths which are hard to expel. Despite recent and current military historical research, which has re-evaluated it within wider European, Imperial, Colonial and warfare contexts, from a British perspective, the Crimean War remains a period which is often popularly characterised by the efforts of Florence Nightingale and the Charge of the Light Brigade (CLB). Whilst the Crimean campaign was so much more than this, it is the Charge which still holds fascination for us today, almost as much as it did to Victorian society. Consequently, this paper explores some aspects of its commemoration and offers some observations on the same. Our intention has been to assess the historical and monumental sources, through active fieldwork and archive research, in an attempt to compose a useful record of such monuments. Whilst it cannot claim to be comprehensive, this paper hopes to tie together certain important themes in the CLB and examine them in view of current archaeological thinking. In particular, the attitudes to death and the dead of the CLB will be examined, as will any consequential historical implications, where appropriate. The commemoration of the Crimean War as a whole has been a much neglected subject for research and it is interesting to note that the only major published work on this area remains that of Captains Colbourne and Brine in 1858. It is also of interest to note that recently there has been an upsurge in commemorative activity, but these issues are beyond the scope

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of this paper, and will be investigated in a future publication. In the meantime, we wish to consider aspects of commemoration that were contemporary with the veterans of the Crimean War, until the last surviving veteran, Rookes Evelyn Bell Crompton, died in February 1940 (Cliff, pers comm.).

For the Crimea, it is the battles of the winter of 1854 that perhaps have the greatest resonance in British memory and national consciousness. On 25 October 1854, the events of the so-called Battle of Balaklava were played out with its various phases, now forever linked with the Charge of the Light Brigade. Given the importance of sustained communal memory within the military mind and the need to commemorate fallen comrades and honour past campaigns, it is perhaps unsurprising that Britain's 'Army of the East' was commanded by a man who was fixated by both. Any commander of his generation would have had understood - to greater or lesser degrees - the need to have a unified military identity and the importance of remembering its war dead (Keegan 1991; 1994). Raglan despised giving orders to his subordinates and frequently 'suggested' rather than overtly ordered and this trait, admirable in other walks of life, dogged the campaign and eventually doomed the Light Brigade (Dixon 1994: 37 - 44), especially as his leading subordinates were mostly incompetent and inexperienced - combined with that most poisonous mix, an unbelievable arrogance (Brackenbury 1856; fFrench-Blake 1974; Barbary 1975; Adkin 2000; Small 2007). Indeed, within a military context, this becomes a pivotal point in the narrative of events regarding causes of the loss of the Light Brigade and, because of the shock such a loss caused, perhaps explains why it has been remembered and commemorated ever since.

Just as the perceived popular memory of the Great War revolves around the stagnant trenches of the Western Front, the power of memory regarding the Crimean War focuses upon the CLB and the stagnant trenches around Sevastopol. As will be discussed further, the events of the War and, most particularly, those at Balaklava on 25 October 1854 similarly captured the Victorian imagination for many years following. Just as the 'Old Contemptibles' have a near-legendary status amongst military veterans in Britain for much of the Twentieth century post-1918, the survivors of 'the Six Hundred' held similar sway until the late 1920s.

Attitudes to Death, the Body and the Disposal of the Dead after the CLB, October 1854

When George Dallas of the 46th Regiment of Foot entered the Battle, 'all we could see was the ground strewed with dead horses and men' (Mawson 2001: 41). This section seeks to deal with the attitudes of the soldiers at Balaklava to the dead and the manner of disposal of the bodies. It appears

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that not all the dead were treated with respect. This treatment began contemporaneously with the Charge itself. At the same time as the survivors were trying to get back to British lines, the Cossacks had moved in to finish off the wounded and pillage the dead.

Donald Thomas (1974: 251) recounts the following conversation between the Earl of Cardigan and Sir James Scarlett regarding Captain Louis Nolan:

'Imagine the fellow screaming like a woman when he was hit, said Cardigan to Scarlett. 'Say no more, my lord,' answered Scarlett, 'I have just ridden over Captain Nolan's dead body'.

An alternative version of this exchange (Woodham Smith 1953) has it that it was Cardigan who rode over the body of Nolan. The discrepancy can be explained by the fact that the former was written in reply to the latter, more adverse, portrayal of Cardigan. Unfortunately, the two accounts cannot be investigated critically, as neither provides their evidence of the encounter. It may well lie in the, now missing, Blunt Papers, a fascinating series of 'lost' recollections written by John Blunt, civilian Turkish interpreter on Lucan's staff and, incidentally, one of the few men to hear the exchange between Lucan and Nolan before the CLB. The other witness, Captain Walker, was Lucan's ADC (Adkin 2000: 269, n9). The treatment of, and attitudes to, Nolan's corpse is pivotal to assessing the attitude and treatment of other British casualties, as will be discussed below.

After the CLB, according to Hibbert (1961: 153) the dead were brought back under flags of truce. In this, Hibbert appears to be half right. He may have been confused in his reporting of the dead being carried back; rather it seems that shortly after the battle, a Russian officer came in under a flag of truce to arrange the burial of the dead (Barrett 1911). If this is so, then he could be fusing certain accounts of the Russians seeking permission to bury the bodies with the British intention to do so. In fact, Captain Fellowes and Trumpet-Major Joy were indeed sent under a flag of truce by Raglan to discuss terms of removing the dead for burial on 26 October but, interestingly, this was refused by the Russians, on the grounds that, being Christians, they were perfectly able to bury the bodies themselves. On 27 October, however, another British party attempted again and this time secured the names of those taken prisoner on the day of the battle, but nothing more (Adkin 2000: 226). This jousting of protocol could all simply revolve around the military principle of possession of ground. If the British sought permission to bury their dead, it tends to suggest that the ground was seen by them as 'un-owned', but the Russians may have felt otherwise. Colonel Whinyates (1884: 142) commented that the ground surrounding the redoubts was 'abandoned that night, and for

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a certain period of time considered neutral.' The fact that the Russians were left, in effect, to bury the dead tends to suggest that the ground was in their possession.

Despite such issues of military etiquette, clearly a number of individuals were not recovered from the battlefield. In a letter dated 2 June 1855, Roger Fenton describes the macabre scene he came across in the Balaklava Valley. He writes that he

"came upon many skeletons half buried, one was lying as if he had raised himself upon his elbow, the bare skull sticking up with still enough flesh in the muscles to prevent it falling from the shoulders; another man's feet and hands were out of the ground, the shoes on his feet and the flesh gone" (quoted in Gernsheim & Gernsheim 1954: 87).

For this reason, he did not photograph Balaklava Valley. However, by writing of the scene in such a vivid manner, he reveals a fascination with the ghoulish and gruesome details of war not represented in the photography of the time (Groth 2002).

From contemporary accounts, it would appear that only Captain Nolan's body was individually recovered and certainly no mention can be found of other single casualties being buried at this time. Indeed, the exact opposite seems to be the case (Russell 1855; Whinyates 1884; Hamley 1891). That this was the case may be down to a few pertinent factors. Firstly, Nolan was laid in the ditch of No. 5 Redoubt, close to where he was killed. As Hamley wrote, it was near here that they saw '. . . the body of Nolan on its back, the jacket open, the breast pierced by the fatal splinter' (Hamley 1891: 121). As such, it appears to have been the nearest and most appropriate place to bury the officer. Captain Branding of C Troop, Royal Horse Artillery, was in charge of the burial, with Bombardier Ormes and four gunners. The incident was well documented by Whinyates (1884: 142), as Ormes

". . . on his return, said that the poor fellow's [Nolan's] chest had been quite broken away, and that the gold lace and cloth of his jacket very much burnt by the shell which killed him, and must have burst very close by; also that there was only one officer present [Morris], who appeared to be a friend and was much affected".

The badly wounded Captain Morris removed Nolan's watch and sword; according to Whinyates (1884: 142) '. . . the body was lain in the earth as it was, there was no time to dig a deep grave, as occasional shots were fired at the Troop'. Attempts have been made to locate the grave of Nolan, although these have failed to produce any positive results (Gilchrist, pers comm.).

However, there has been some debate as to whether Nolan's corpse has already been found at the battlefield. Some years ago, a skeleton was rumoured to have been discovered close to the British Balaklava Obelisk. This monument

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is thought to be sited over the area where Redoubt No. 5 was once situated. The human remains, however, disappeared sometime after their discovery and were apparently not related to any associated finds (see below; Horton, 7/8/99, CWRS Disc. Grp). It is not known whether or not the location surrounding the Obelisk has since been archaeologically investigated to indicate signs of disturbance or artefacts. Whilst the identity or antiquity of the skeleton was not proven and, indeed, has since been hotly contested, the issue over the exact location of Nolan's possible interment is becoming increasingly pertinent.

Many theories exist regarding the correlation between the place where Nolan was killed (largely believed to be near Redoubt No 4.) and where he was buried (Redoubt No. 5). The debate has been succinctly and expertly put in the correspondence of Horton and Austin (for Redoubt No. 5) and Robinson and Hargreaves Mawson (for a site elsewhere in the North Valley, possibly Redoubt No. 4); both sides weigh up the likelihood, or otherwise, of suitable locations. Horton, as shown above, was convinced that the body was deposited in Redoubt No. 5 as stated in many sources. Yet, Robinson places considerable - and perhaps understandable - emphasis upon Captain Brandling's own recollection on the siting of the grave '. . . on the outer plain, and there is a slight bend inwards in the ridge near that place' (Whinyates 1884: 142). Whilst Horton maintained that this referred to Redoubt No. 5, Robinson interpreted this as relating to a ditch (possibly dug by Brandling's troop) in the North Valley, as yet undiscovered. One point worth noting is that Nolan may have been killed near Redoubt No. 4, but many witnesses saw his horse carrying him back for a while before he toppled to the ground (Hargeaves Mawson 1/11/04, CWRS Disc. Grp). The over-riding impression from the burial party, however, is that they took Nolan to the most easily accessible spot and placed him quickly into his final resting place.

Another puzzling issue is the lack of a marker, temporary or otherwise, for Nolan's burial site. Again, if one considers the surrounding events and context of the burial, then one explanation may lie in the fact that the area was simply considered too dangerous. Brandling's troop came under fire whilst hastily burying Nolan and, under such circumstances, they may be forgiven for not remaining long enough to erect a marker of some description. That one was not erected later may also be explained by Colonel Whinyate's comment that the site '. . . would not be visited by the English for some months' (Whinyates, 1884: 142).

Most of the other deceased were less fortunate, as the family of Captain George Lockwood, of the 8th Hussars and ADC to Cardigan, were to discover. Like Nolan, Lockwood was killed during the early part of the Charge but,

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unlike him, his body was never found (Adkin 2000: 176). Indeed, it may well have been pulverised by either shell blast or horses hooves, as it simply disappeared as the recognisable corpse of an officer. There is a memorial to Lockwood on the south wall of St Mary and All Saint's Church, Lambourne, (Essex), with the inscription

TO THE MEMORY OF GEORGE LOCKWOOD CAPTAIN 8TH HUSSARS, SECOND SON OF WILLIAM JOSEPH LOCKWOOD OF DEWS HALL. BORN 16TH JUNE 1818. HE FELL OCTOBER 25TH 1854 IN THE MEMORABLE CAVALRY CHARGE OF BALACLAVA WHILE ACTING AS A.D.C. TO MAJOR GENERAL THE EARL OF CARDIGAN. EVERY EFFORT TO RECOVER HIS REMAINS HAVING BEEN PROVED INEFFECTUAL THIS MONUMENT IS ERECTED BY HIS MOTHER AS A TRIBUTE OF LOVE TO AN AFFECTIONATE AND DUTIFUL SON

Indeed, for the remainder of the Light Brigade, the dead were unceremoniously removed of valuables, boots, socks, bits of useful kit etc. and then left on the battlefield for those left in possession of the ground to bury, as was the custom (Adkin 2000; Howard 2002: 61; Keegan, 1994; Osgood 2005: 167 et alia). As William Russell noted on 28 October, with the British casualties still lying on the field the '. . . Russians stripped our dead' (Russell 1855: 236).

At Balaklava, it later transpired that the Russian burial of the mass dead of the Light Brigade was not very effective and was possibly hastily done. In this, it may be somewhat reminiscent of the way Custer's troopers were buried after the battle of the Little Big Horn in 1879 (see below). In May 1855, when C Troop were again on manoeuvres over the terrain in the North Valley, they were greeted with the gruesome sight of remains of men and horses in roughly covered slit-graves. Bones could clearly be seen emerging from the pits and uniforms could still be clearly made out adhering to the human remains; so much so that the regiments were easily distinguished (Adkin, 2000: 226).

Landscapes of Balaklava as Places of Pilgrimage

Despite the fact that the Crimean theatre was effectively closed to non-Soviet, non-military persons for much of the post-Crimean War era and (more significantly) distance and expense were an issue some veterans did return to the battlefields after the cessation of hostilities (Freeman, forthcoming). One such returner was Evelyn Wood, who toured the battlefields accompanied by Viscount Wolsey, a fellow veteran. He describes viewing 'the now smiling scene, where many of our comrades froze, starved, or bled to death... perhaps the saddest recollections were connected with the harbour of Balaklava'

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(Wood 1895: vii - viii). He also states that, despite the change in nature of the Balaklava terrain from grassland to cultivation,

"its shape cannot alter, and to the end of Time anyone interested in the deeds of our cavalry, when standing on the edge of the Upland, will have no difficulty in tracing the course of those who, it may truly be said, in devoted obedience to orders rushed 'to glory or grave'" (Wood 1895: 123).

The significance of making such pilgrimages was emphasised by the fact that the British, with the exception of high-status figures such as Lord Raglan, buried their dead at the site of their death (cf Freeman 2001).

Contemporary CLB Monuments, Memorials and Burial Grounds at Balaklava

A monument to the CLB stands in Balaklava at the point where the Charge began. It was placed on the 'ridge between Light and Heavy Cavalry Charges' and took the form of an obelisk on which was inscribed 'IN MEMORY OF THOSE WHO FELL IN THE BATTLE OF BALAKLAVA 25TH OCTOBER 1854' on the front. On the right panel there was a carved cross and, on the left, were the words 'ERECTED BY THE BRITISH ARMY A.D.1856'. Indeed, Winston Churchill visited the site of the CLB in 1945, whilst in the Crimea for the Yalta Conference; during this pilgrimage, Churchill visited the white obelisk (Strauss 2004).

In October 1854, the Light was comprised of five cavalry regiments; the 4th (Queen's Own) Light Dragoons, the 13th (Light) Dragoons, the 11th (Prince of Wales' Own) Hussars, the 8th (King's Royal Irish) Hussars and the 17th Lancers. A troop of Royal Horse Artillery was also present (A Troop) but this did not commit itself to the Charge. As it is memorials pertinent to the above regiments which concern this work, it is interesting that individual memorials to members of the Light Brigade, especially those wounded and taken to Scutari following the CLB, do not seem to feature in the region. Why this should be the case requires further examination (see below) and from this, some pertinent observations may be made. Whilst cavalry burials are recorded in Colbourne & Brine's 1858 catalogue of memorials, only six regiments are noted and, of these, exactly three are of the Light Brigade (4th (The Queen's Own Light) Dragoons, 11th (Prince Albert's Own) Hussars and the 13th (Light) Dragoons). From Colbourne & Brine's inventory, it can be noted that individual Light Brigade interments or memorials are rare but do occur. When they do, they are mainly in small regimental cemeteries near to where their camps had been set up, or by areas close to the hospitals. Of these, the burial grounds at Kadakoi may seem the most likely resting places

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for many of the Light Brigade wounded following the CLB. On the road going toward Karani was a burial ground with 38 graves, relevant to the 13th Light Dragoons, with four wooden grave markers (Colbourne & Brine, 1858: 32) all of which date to 1855. Of these, two are from mid-summer of this year and one is to the baby daughter of one of the 13th's troopers.

There was an uncommemorated plot (or at least not marked with a lasting memorial) to the 4th Light Dragoons, which contained 23 graves, between Kadikoi and Karand (Colbourne & Brine, 1858). There are, however, three memorials to individual 4th Light Dragoons on the spot, none of whom rode in the Charge. The others are equally intriguing and could possibly relate to troopers wounded in the CLB or fatalities due to illness.

Another small burial ground lay next to the 4th Light Dragoons, between Kadikoi and Karani, holding 24 graves belonging to the 11th Hussars. Above the gate entrance to the cemetery - at both the front and rear - was a plaque inscribed 'ELEVENTH (Prince Albert's Own) HUSSARS'. Inside was a wooden memorial tablet which declared that it was 'SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF THE MEN OF THE 11th HUSSARS WHO DIED IN THE YEARS 1855 & 1856' and twenty-five names are listed. Of interest is that seven individuals are capitalised, marking them out, it would appear, for special notice. Of these seven, Ptes W. Taylor and E. Wilcox rode in the charge. Quite why these seven individuals should be capitalised is unclear.

The only memorial to a 17th Lancer (whether they were present at the Charge or otherwise) appears to be at Scutari. Here, there was a grave marker slab to Captain A.F.C. Webb, also commemorated at home (see below) which bore the words

"S.M. Aug. Aug. F.C. Captain XVII Lancers wounded at Balaklava Octr. 25th Died at Scutari Nov. 6th 1854. Aged XVII." (Colborne and Brine 1858: 54).

This is intriguing; as it tends to suggest that only one wounded 17th Lancer was recovered from the battlefield, or at least only one who was commemorated; a figure which seems surprisingly low.

During the war, the Army had enclosed cemeteries such as these in the region with small low walls, including those in and around Balaklava, to a fairly regular pattern. When the Army was withdrawn, the British, quite literally, locked the gates of many of these behind them before returning home. Those burial grounds which had no gates or doors to close had their entrances blocked up as best as possible. For example, the Guards' Cemetery had special gates hastily made from the iron hoops of Commissariat barrels to barricade it from unwanted attentions (Colbourne & Brine 1858: A). As such, by 1872, burial grounds around Balaklava and in Crimea in general were falling into disuse. The historian Kinglake wrote to the Secretary of State for

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War, Edward Cardwell, asking who had responsibility for the care of these memorials. Cardwell replied to his friend that:

"Officially the graves in the Crimea belong to the Foreign Office, and I have asked Enfield to put that mighty body in motion. My province is to grovel to the Treasury every now and then, which I have done to perfection." (Kinglake to Cardwell 24th April 1872, Smyth/Kinglake Archive, Cambridge University Library, CUL Add.9554/5/26, courtesy of Tom Muir/David Kelsey)

However, by 1891, many of these smaller cemeteries and graves had become completely 'ruinous' and visitors to them were horrified to find bits of bones amidst the memorial stones. The state of disrepair that these cemeteries were in caused much national outrage (Hamley 1891) and soon the human remains were gathered where they could be found and removed to Cathcart Hill, along with their associated memorial stones (Hamley, 1891:306). The graves of the dead, where they were yet undisturbed, were left in situ. Presumably, the mass grave sites are still in and around Kadikoi, Karani, Balaklava and other locations. Consequently, the emphasis on the Light Brigade memorials in the region takes on a slightly different slant; there being a possibility that the remains of the war dead are still present in the area, undisturbed since the removal of the markers and, possibly, since the actually end of the conflict itself.

In this aspect, a possible close parallel can be shown between the grave sites on and around the battlefield at Balaklava and those at Custer's Last Stand at the Little Big Horn (LBH). There, the issue of the 'headstones' or 'marble markers' on the present battlefield had the added importance to military historians who traditionally took them to be the actual - and unequivocal - sites of death. Whilst at Balaklava such issues may not be as pertinent (with the possible exception being the location of Nolan's grave site), the removal of markers and visible remains to Cathcart's Hill provided a more concentrated locus for commemoration. Of interest is that both sites seem to follow as specific phases of burial; the first is bodies left on the battlefield; the second is either heaps of earth hastily placed on top of the those bodies found (LBH) or dragged off to shallow hastily dug pits (CLB). Later, when the area is no longer a site of danger and has been consolidated by the side who own the war-dead, memorials are placed in the location - or nearby - to remember them. Interestingly, there is a major divergence here between the sites and one which is of direct importance to aspects of Balaklava remembrance. When it comes to active commemoration within the living memory of the participants, in the CLB's case, we find evidence of memorial to the event rather than individuals on the battlefield. A point which may be significant is that individual commemoration appears to be both widespread and primarily done at home rather than 'in the field' The comparatively simple markers to where the Charge

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began, just as other similarly modest Victorian markers of battlefields or events elsewhere in the Empire, may indeed demonstrate that the more impressive or personal memorials to the CLB were to be restricted to within the shores of Britain and Ireland itself. Whilst Cathcart's Hill was notably impressive, with its obelisks, crosses and pillars, its purpose was to act as the concentrated focus of commemoration for the entire war. This would seem to be in contrast to some of the rather more transient memorials erected in, for example, the small burial ground of the 11th Hussars at Kadikoi.

Memorials at Home

The UK National Inventory of War Memorials (UKNIWM) lists 331 memorials to the Crimean War in the United Kingdom, although the original number is bound to be larger owing to the fact that a significant number are listed as lost, many due to enemy action in the Second World War. Presumably, a significant number of lost memorials will not have been recorded. Furthermore, some of the listed memorials are questionable in their status as war memorials, at least for the purposes of this study. This category includes a number of the Russian cannon which were purchased by towns and cities after the war, and the recording of such monuments is inconsistent in this database. Of the overall total of 331 memorials, 60 make reference to Balaklava, although there are several examples of what could be considered war memorials that are not listed in the UKNIWM. The nature of what is considered a war memorial, the nature of the collection of the material and the consistency of recording methods are problems inherent in this project. These issues are, however, pertinent to discussion elsewhere and are not within the remit of this paper. The dead of overseas campaigns such as the Crimean were, until relatively recently, buried near to where they died. This fact deprives the grieving relatives of a place to mourn their loss, and the memorials at home provided a locus for grief, either as separate monuments or as additions to existing family headstones. In Drumbeg Parish Church, on the outskirts of modern Belfast, is a stained glass window to the memory of Hugh Montgomery, 13th Light Dragoons, who was a 'charger' on the 25th October, whilst his name is also inscribed on the memorial stones of the family vault outside. Beneath the inscription to his mother, Cornet Montgomery is further commemorated as having been

KILLED IN THE MEMORABLE CHARGE OF THE LIGHT CAVALRY AT THE BATTLE OF BALAKLAVA, 25TH OCTOBER 1854, AGED 24 YEARS.

Memorials also have a political perspective. On Sarsfield Bridge, Limerick, there used to be a monument to Lt J.C. (Viscount) Fitzgibbon, 8th Hussars,

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who was reported as 'killed (doubtful)' after the CLB (Estcourt 1854: 3459). The monument was originally intended to be sited elsewhere, but placed on Sarsfield Bridge due to the political, religious and historical sentiments of the time. This monument, which had Fitzgibbon in uniform on a plinth with the names of those who fell in the Crimean War, was erected in 1857, but was blown up by the Irish Republican Army on 9 June 1930 (information from the Republic of Ireland National Inventory of Architectural Heritage).

As Natalie Houston (2001; 354ff ) has demonstrated, the CLB became a spectacle for the British public, one which was originally a matter of pride in the sacrifice of the Charge in the early days of public enthusiasm for the war. This mood is reflected in a number of the memorials of the period. That to A.[F.]C. Webb at Raskelf, (North Yorkshire), for example, refers to his death

AT THE HOSPITAL, SCUTARI, FROM WOUNDS RECEIVED IN THE BRILLIANT CHARGE OF THE LIGHT CAVALRY DIVISION ON THE 25TH OCTOBER 1854 AT THE MEMORABLE BATTLE OF BALACLAVA

Of particular interest here is that Captain Webb is commemorated on at least three memorials; one at Scutari (see above), one at Raskelf and one at Newstead Abbey (Nottinghamshire). The last of these is inscribed

IN MEMORY OF AUGUSTUS FREDERICK CAVENDISH WEBB, CAPTAIN 17th LANCERS WHO DIED AT SCUTARI 6 NOVEMBER 1854 OF WOUNDS RECEIVED AT THE CHARGE OF BALACLAVA 25 OCTOBER AGED 22 YEARS. ERECTED BY HIS BROTHER WILLIAM FREDERICK WEBB

Also, there is a memorial to Cornet Archibald Cleveland, 17th Lancers, at St John's Church, Instow (Devon) which well epitomises Houston's observations. Cleveland had survived the CLB only to be fatally wounded at the Battle of Inkerman on 5 November, but the memorial inscription is very long and detailed, giving his brief military career whilst on active service in the Crimea. Of extreme relevance here is that two sentences refer to Inkerman and his death from a shell fragment; three refer to his part in the CLB:

HE WAS ONE OF THE RENOWNED FIVE HUNDRED [sic] IN THE/ BATTLE OF BALAKLAVA, WHERE HE IMMORTALISED HIMSELF BY HIS COOL AND DAUNTLESS BRAVERY, WHICH WILL EVER BE REMEMBERED WITH HONOUR. AFTER FIGHTING THROUGH A LARGE BODY OF THE ENEMY AND WHEN/ ESCAPING TO THE CAMP, THREE COSSACKS PURSUED HIM. HE MORTALLY WOUNDED THE THREE AND ARRIVED AT THE CAMP LEADING HIS WOUNDED CHARGER, FAINT FROM LOSS OF BLOOD.

In addition to this, he is commemorated by way of a Bible which is held in the Pickwell Chapel of St George's Church, Georgeham, also in Devon. This is inscribed

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"This bible was presented by Caroline Dene to Georgeham Church in remembrance of her father The Reverend Francis Hole (Rector 1831 - 1866) and her brothers Rev Thomas Hole and Rev Francis Hole Rectors (1869 - 1871) This bible was originally given to her husband Henry Dene by Mrs Clevland [sic] of Tapley Park North Devon as a memento of her son and his great friend Archibald Clevland [sic] a colonel (or cornet?) in the 17th Lancers who after taking part in the Charge of the Light Brigade at Balaclava was killed at Inkerman on the 5th day of November 1854." (Harris 2001).

Remembering the Survivors

It is not only the directly deceased who are commemorated on the memorials covered in this paper. For example, a memorial stone in All Saints' Churchyard, North Collingham (Nottinghamshire) not only marks the death of two related individuals who died in the CLB (William Bacon and George Broome), but also records the safe return of a third family member (John Bacon) who had taken part in this battle. Interestingly, at the base of the stone is a poem which is clearly based on Tennyson's The Charge of the Light Brigade but with significant divergences.

• [PB: More here, with links.]

It is clear that participation in the action at Balaklava was something which was considered of great acclaim until long after the event, and many memorials reveal the desire of former soldiers and their families to record their glory in battle. This is evidenced by the regular inclusion of references to the event on the later graves of survivors. The family gravestone of Lt Frederick Henry Cheshire in Whipton records that he was "LATE 8TH HUSSARS ONE OF THE SIX HUNDRED" (emphasis in the original). This is intriguing on a number of levels. Cheshire is not one of the officers listed as being with the 8th Hussars on 25 October; they were famously under-strength at the time and he may have been sick, but here he is actively listed as a 'charger'. At the CLB, there were four Lieutenants (Clutterbuck, Fitzgibbon (see above), Heneage and Philips) and two Cornets (Clowes and Mussenden) involved. In checking Hart's Army List for the years 1853, 1855 and 1861, no record of such an officer could be found. Neither could any mention of this officer be recovered from Rev. Robert Murray's (2004: 724) official Regimental History of the 8th Hussars and List of its Officers for the Crimean War. However, using the extremely thorough EJ Boys Archive (aka 'Lives of the Light Brigade') conserved by Roy Mills & Philip Boys for the CWRS, one Private Henry Cheshire [No. 1201] 8th Hussars is discovered. This highlights a classic issue with memorialisation of the CLB; identifying men and officers from the purely physical monumental evidence, which can be misleading, and then reconciling this with known historical records. Men on memorials can be 'aggrandised' in death, with their participation in events - or organisations - built up

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for the sake of their family or their memory. Sometimes, the memorials can be misleading to give the impression to the viewer that the subject had a higher status; in this case, being an officer involved in the CLB when he was historically recorded as no such thing during this period. This leads us to another interesting case study.

At Leamington Churchyard, the gravestone of Pvt. Job Allwood, recorded him as

". . . 13th Light Dragoons and 17th Lancers. A native of Leamington who rode in the Light Cavalry charge at Balaclava and served in the Indian Mutiny campaign. He died at Leamington on the 18th December 1903 and was buried with military honours. Erected by his friends and admirers."

Although Allwood charged with the 13th Light Dragoons, he later transferred to the 17th Lancers in 1857 where, presumably, he saw service in India. However, his name could not be found on the Indian Mutiny Medal Roll, although this is sometimes not unusual (E J Boys Archive). Quite simply put, this would rather tend to suggest that Pvt. Allwood was not entitled to the Mutiny medal and, ergo, was not actually present during the fighting parts of the campaign, when his memorial clearly implies that this was the case. Whether family history, personal aggrandisement or simple bureaucratic error has occurred, it highlights the problematic nature of some memorial evidence during the period.

Frederick Short, whose name was added to his son's gravestone at Beckett Road Cemetery, Leeds, had a similar epitaph to Cheshire's and Allwood's (Barnard 1990); one emphasising his role in the CLB. At the same cemetery, the gravestone of Sgt William Notley of the 13th Hussars contains, picked out in black paint with the initials in red, lettering reading

ERECTED BY HIS COMRADES, AS A TOKEN OF RESPECT TO ONE WHO HAD SERVED 20 YEARS, AND WAS IN THE ENGAGEMENTS OF ALMA, BALACLAVA, INKERMANN, AND SEBASTOPOL" (Barnard 1990: 129).

In County Louth, in the churchyard of St. Peter's Church of Ireland, Drogheda is a very fine gravestone to John Duggan, 17th Lancers, with the inscription 'DEATH OR GLORY' upon it. Duggan was a Drogheda man before enlisting and is stated as a survivor of the CLB, Alma, Sevastopol and Inkerman, although it appears that he was actually in hospital at Scutari at the time of this latter battle, presumably from wounds received at the CLB. Upon discharge from the Army, he returned to Drogheda where he became Sexton of St. Peter's in 1871, until his death in 1881 (Rev. Graham, pers. comm.). A similar design can be found in the churchyard of St Michael, Lichfield, where there is a memorial stone to Trumpeter John Brown who sounded

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the trumpet at the CLB. It is a flat stone surmounted by a skull and crossbones with the motto "OR GLORY" and indicating (unusually) that he is buried near the location of the memorial. Confusingly, it transpires that there were two Trumpeter John Browns with the 17th Lancers (indeed, there were four with the same name in total, but all have different Army Numbers, the two trumpeters being Nos 476 and 926; E.J. Boys Archive). Either of these two may have 'officially' sounded the charge - or 'Drill Calls' - passed on from the Call of the Brigade Orderly Trumpeter (see below). As such, this may be the cause of any confusion and, if it is, it is certainly not an isolated claim. Another 'Balaklava Trumpet' is on display at the Royal Hussars' Museum, Winchester, belonging to Trumpeter Keats, 11th Hussars, who is claimed as 'Lord Cardigan's Orderly' (Cliff 1986) with the very clear implication that Keats sounded the Charge. Another Balaklava bugle now on display at the National Army Museum belonged to Trumpet Major Joy, 17th Lancers, who was Lucan's Orderly Trumpeter and, as such, would have sounded the initial Drill Call to 'Mount the Division' in the desperate moments before the CLB (Cliff nd; Adkin 2000: 130). Joy is buried at St. Nicholas' Church, Chiswick. The inscription on his gravestone reads

AS STAFF TRUMPETER TO GENERAL THE EARL OF LUCAN SOUNDED THE MEMORABLE CHARGE OF THE LIGHT BRIGADE AT BALACLAVA

Yet, the actual dubious honour to initiate the Charge fell to Trumpeter William 'Billy' Britten of the 17th Lancers, who was Orderly (Brigade) Trumpeter to Cardigan. It was Britten who sounded the order to 'Walk' and then 'Trot' and his bugle (the 'Balaclava Bugle') is on display at Belvoir Castle (Lincolnshire), the Regimental Museum of the 17th/21st Lancers (Cliff nd). Britten was seriously wounded at the CLB and was later transferred to hospital at Scutari, where he died of wounds on 14 February 1855 (Adkin 2000: 226). No mention of his grave or memorial in this region can be found in the relevant works.

In York Cemetery, there are two interesting Balaklava memorials; the first names William Pearson 'Hero of Balaklava' who died in 1909, aged 84. The other in York Cemetery records a memorial to Troop Sergeant-Major William Bentley, 11th Hussars, who is described as '. . . one of the Six Hundred at Balaklava 1854'. Sgt-Major Bentley died in 1891, aged 74. Another memorial to an 11th Hussar - Luke Oakley - can be found at Wirksworth Church (Derbyshire) and records that he too saw service at Balaklava and throughout the war. He died at the age of 88, in 1906. The memorials reflect the social conditions of the period, and it is noticeable that the vast majority of monuments to individuals are of officers, many of whom would have bought their rank and therefore came from families of substantial means and class, and all of the key players in the CLB were memorialized in one form or

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another. The social exclusivity in life continued into death. For example, Troop Sergeant-Major John Berryman, of the 17th Lancers, became a national hero and is commemorated by a very fine 'Celtic Cross' memorial in St. Agatha's Churchyard, Woldingham (Surrey) (Arthur 2005: 632). However, James Thomas Brudenell (the Earl of Cardigan) was memorialized to an even greater extent with, arguably, lesser reason. On his death, the uniform he wore at Balaklava was a major part of the centrepiece at his lying-in-state (Thomas 1974). There is a memorial window to him in the church at Deene St. Peter. Not only is Cardigan's memory preserved, but also that of his charger at the CLB, Ronald, who died in 1872. His head, tail and a hoof are preserved at Deene Park (Cavendish 1997). Ronald is not the only horse to be commemorated. Sir Briggs, the charger of Godfrey Morgan (Vaughan 1990), is commemorated in the cedar garden of Tredegar House, Newport (Gwent). A memorial to him reads

A FAVOURITE CHARGER HE CARRIED HIS MASTER THE HONOURABLE GODFREY MORGAN CAPTAIN 17TH LANCERS BOLDLY AND WELL AT THE BATTLE OF ALMA IN THE FIRST LINE IN THE LIGHT CAVALRY CHARGE OF BALACLAVA AND AT THE BATTLE OF INKERMAN 1854

Lord Tredegar (as Morgan became), and by extension Sir Briggs, is also commemorated in the form of an equestrian statue in Cardiff by William Goscombe John. This monument, which depicts Tredegar as he was in 1854 and carries a frieze depicting the charge of the 17th Lancers at the CLB, was unveiled in 1909 on the 55th anniversary of the Charge (Massie 2003).

Until recently, a very fine stone memorial plaque was in existence for Captain Louis Edward Nolan, paid for by Generals Berkeley, Airey and other friends who had it erected at Holy Trinity Church, Maidstone. The plaque was dedicated to 'Lewis Edward Nolan' and inscribed

CAPTAIN OF THE 15TH OR KING'S HUSSARS, AND ADC TO MAJOR-GENERAL AIREY, QUARTER MASTER GENERAL TO THE FORCES IN THE CRIMEA HE FELL AT THE HEAD OF THE LIGHT CAVALRY BRIGADE IN THE CHARGE AT BALAKLAVA, ON THE 25TH OCTOBER 1854, AGED 36. GENERAL SIR GEORGE BERKELEY, K.C.B., ON WHOSE STAFF HE SERVED IN INDIA, GENERAL AIREY, HIS BROTHER OFFICERS AND OTHER FRIENDS HAVE ERECTED THIS TABLET AS A SLIGHT TRIBUTE OF THEIR ESTEEM AND AFFECTIONATE REGARD FOR THE MEMORY OF ONE OF THE MOST GALLANT, INTELLIGENT AND ENERGERTIC OFFICERS IN HER MAJESTY'S SERVICE.

From the wording on the plaque it is clear that Captain Nolan's loss was deeply felt and that he was, genuinely, highly regarded by many of his peers and brother officers. Unfortunately, the memorial has since been lost as in 1997, Holy Trinity Church was converted into apartments and the memorial now seems likely to have been destroyed.

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Furthermore, of a number of Crimean War participants to be buried in the Liverpool area, the only individual with a noteworthy memorial is that of Lt-Gen. Edward Seager (see plate 1), in stark contrast to those who have no marked grave such as James Glanister (see below) and Robert Martin (buried in Bebington Cemetery), or that of William Sewell, buried in St. Peter's Church, Woolton on a family grave, with no indication of his career (see plate 2). This, in itself, is most interesting. Private William Sewell [no. 1452] 13th Light Dragoons, was born in 1830 and received such a serious head wound as a result of the CLB that he had a metal plate fitted over the wound thereafter. He died at his home in Liverpool (18 Rose Lane, Mossley Hill) on 6 January 1910 and was buried at the above churchyard on 13 January. Sadly, the achievements of many of those who survived the action at Balaklava were less well represented in the manner of their treatment post-service. Many left the army life in humble circumstances and received no commemoration after their death. Private Samuel Parkes, who survived the Charge of the Light Brigade, and who was also one of the first servicemen to receive the Victoria Cross (VC), was buried in an unmarked pauper's grave in London (Harvey 1999). Likewise, James Glanister was buried at West Derby Cemetery, Liverpool in an unmarked grave.

[ADD IMAGE]

Plate 1. Memorial to Edward Seager (1812 - 83) [Photo: Jonathan Trigg]

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[ADD IMAGE]

Plate 2. Family grave of William Sewell (1830 - 1910) [Photo: Jonathan Trigg]

A final note of caution is relevant here. In some cases, the presence of an inscription is directly suggestive of a presence at the CLB, when no such connection can be authenticated. For instance, there is a memorial to William Rhys Llewellyn in Cathays Cemetery, Cardiff. The inscription on this memorial quotes from Tennyson's poem, implying that Rhys might have been

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involved in the Charge, but research to date has failed to confirm presence. It is possible, in this case, that Mr. Llewellyn simply liked the poem and considered the CLB a glorious thing to be associated with. As we have seen through the use of memorialisation at Balaklava and at home, it would appear that many Britons of his generation would have whole-heartedly agreed.

The CLB - Legacy and Conclusion

The Crimean campaign was a shadowy herald of modern warfare for, although it seems to have echoed the battles of Napoleon or Wellington, within three weeks it had evolved into a trench war with possibly more in common with First Ypres than Fontenoy. Principal in this change was, perhaps, the technical developments in longer-range rifled muskets and especially artillery - and, of course, it was singularly around this very objective that Balaklava will forever be remembered, either rightly or wrongly. The solid defence of the 93rd Highlanders at the start of the day's engagements, followed by the success of the Heavy Brigade and 'C' Troop, R.H.A., were unfortunately bound to be eclipsed by the terrible events later on in the North Valley. The Light Brigade's Charge was certainly one of the turning points of the war. Had its aim been to pursue the fleeing Russians immediately after Scarlett's attack, then it may have made subsequent events surrounding Sevastopol redundant. As it stood, it became something perhaps even more powerful in popular memory. It acted as a focus and symbol for so many aspects of the Victorian military ideal, both impressively admirable and desperately unappealing. As Mark Adkin (2000: 253) has commented, the Charge of the Light Brigade '. . . came to represent the embodiment of the cavalry spirit . . . that anything was possible with enough dash and daring.' These sentiments were taken up by the Victorian public, and can be seen to be reflected in the breadth and diversity of the memorials to those who charged.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We owe a great debt to Phil Freeman for his tireless assistance in research and for the many useful suggestions his considerable knowledge enabled him to make. We would also like to thank Professor Fergus D'Arcy, UCD, Dennis Pillenger, MHS, OMRS, Sarah Kirkham, Glass & Ceramics Specialist (Sothebys) and members of the CWRS for their generous sharing of scholarship, namely: David Cliff, David Williams, Stephen Lewis, Tom Muir, Philip Boys and Roy Mills (E.J. Boys Archive). We also wish to thank the Revd. Michael Graham, St. Peters Church, Drogheda.

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